April 9, 2010

Chris Hani; My Life: An autobiography written in 1991


Chris Hani, born on 28 June 1942, in Cofimvaba, Transkei. General-Secretary of the SACP since December 1991 and ANC NEC member since 1974. Matriculated at Lovedale, 1958; Universities Rhodes and Fort Hare - 1959/61, BA Latin and English. Joined ANC Youth League 1957. Active in Eastern and Western Cape ANC before leaving SA in 1962. Commissar in the Luthuli Detachment joint ANC/ZAPU military campaign 1967, escaped to Botswana, returned from Botswana to Zambia 1968, infiltrated SA in 1973 and then based in Lesotho. Left Maseru for Lusaka in 1982 after several unsuccessful assassination attempts. Commissar and Deputy Commander of Umkhonto we Sizwe, armed wing of ANC. Chief of Staff, MK 1987.

The following brief autobiographical account was written by comrade Chris Hani in February 1991:

I was born in a small rural town in the Transkei called Cofimvaba. This town is almost 200 kilometres from East London. I am the fifth child in a family of six. Only three of us are still surviving, the other three died in their infancy. My mother is completely illiterate and my father semi-literate. My father was a migrant worker in the mines in the Transvaal, but he subsequently became an unskilled worker in the building industry.

Life was quite harsh for us and we went through some hard times as our mother had to supplement the family budget through subsistence farming; had to bring us up with very little assistance from my father who was always away working for the white capitalists.

I had to walk twenty kilometres to school every five days and then walk the same distance to church every Sunday. At the age of eight I was already an altar boy in the Catholic church and was quite devout.

After finishing my primary school education I had a burning desire to become a priest but this was vetoed by my father.

In 1954, while I was doing my secondary education, the apartheid regime introduced Bantu Educaiton which was desighend to indoctrinate Black pupils to accept and recognise the supremacy of the white man over the blacks in all spheres. This angered and outraged us and paved the way for my involvement in the struggle.

The arraignment for Treason of the ANC leaders in 1956 convinced me to join the ANC and participate in the struggle for freedom. In 1957 I made up my mind and joined the ANC Youth League. I was fifteen then, and since politics was proscribed at African schools our activities were clandestine. In 1959 I went over to university at Fort Hare where I became openly involved in the struggle, as Fort Hare was a liberal campus. It was here that I got exposed to Marxist ideas and the scope and nature of the racist capitalist system. My conversion to Marxism also deepended my non-racial perspective.

My early Catholicism led to my fascination with Latin studies and English literature. These studies in these two course were gobbled up by me and I became an ardent lover of English, Latin and Greek literature, both modern and classical. My studies of literature futher strengthened my hatred of all forms of oppression, persecution and obscurantism. The action of tyrants as portrayed in various literary works also made me hate tyranny and institutionalised oppression.

In 1961 I joined the underground South African Communist Party as I realised that national liberation, though essential, would not bring about total economic liberation. My decision to join the Party was influenced by such greats of our struggle like Govan Mbeki, Braam Fischer, JB Marks, Moses Kotane, Ray Simons, etc.

In 1962, having recognised the intranisgence of the racist regime, I joined the fledgling MK. This was the beginning of my long road in the armed struggle in which there have been three abortive assassination attempts against me personally. The armed struggle, which we never regarded as exclusive, as we combined it with other forms of struggle, has brought about the present crisis of apartheid.

In 1967 I fought together with Zipra forces in Zimbabwe as political commissar. In 1974 I went back to South Africa to build the underground and I subsequently left for Lesotho where I operated underground and contributed in the building of the ANC underground inside our country.

The four pillars underpinning our struggle have brought about the present crisis of the apartheid regime. The racist regime has reluctantly recognised the legitimacy of our struggle by agreeing to sit down with us to discuss how to begin the negotiations process.

In the current political situation, the decision by our organisation to suspend armed action is correct and is an important contribution in maintaining the momentum of negotiation.

Chris Hani
February 1991


April 8, 2010

Mexican communist youth in action!

4th National meeting of Mexican Communist Youth



Ask the NDP to withdraw from the CPCCA

Dear friends,

In a few weeks, a report will be issued that could be the first step to criminalizing criticism of Israel in Canada. The Canadian Parliamentary Coalition to Combat Anti-Semitism (CPCCA) is preparing a summary report and recommendations. This report could make criticism of the policies of the State of Israel difficult, perhaps even illegal, by positioning such criticism as a form of anti-Semitism.

The Bloc Quebecois has already resigned from the CPCCA in protest. We urge everyone who wishes to protect Canadians' freedom of expression, and who believes in justice in the Middle East, to take action below, asking the NDP to also withdraw from this coalition.

Click here to send an e-mail to NDP MPs to ask them to publicly disassociate themselves from the CPCCA.

Please respond to this action alert, and forward this message to your friends and acquaintances.

If you like the work that CJPME does, please donate to help us expand our work.

More Info
The CPCCA is an ad-hoc (unofficial) coalition of - until the resignation of the Bloc Québécois in early March - MPs from each of the political parties represented in Parliament. The CPCCA launched a call for submissions last summer "to gain insight into the problem of anti-Semitism in Canada and to draft concrete recommendations to combat the phenomena both locally and globally." CJPME was among the groups that submitted briefs arguing that the Coalition's attempt to establish a link between criticism of Israel and anti-Semitism was indefensible, and that it also violated the fundamental rights guaranteed under Canada's Charter of Rights and Freedoms.

The Bloc Québécois announced in early March that it was withdrawing from the CPCCA for the following reasons:
  • The fact that the list of "witnesses" called by the Coalition's Steering Committee presented only one perspective on the question.
  • The fact that the Bloc MPs had been unable to influence the Steering Committee to call two witnesses - us (CJPME) and the Canadian Arab Federation (CAF).
  • The Bloc's sense that the Coalition had been-from the outset-improper in its orientation, partisan and unwilling to consider different points of view.
Like many other observers, CJPME is of the opinion that the CPCCA has taken a very biased approach to the matter, such that its conclusions will necessarily be tainted. Likely, the conclusions will be such that criticism of Israel will be considered a form of anti-Semitism, thus laying the groundwork for making it illegal. The CPCCA's exercise is neither objective nor balanced, and constitutes a real threat to Canadians' freedom of expression.

Please forward this email to other like-minded friends and acquaintances.

Warmest regards,
The CJPME Leadership

April 6, 2010

Colombian political prisoner denied justice

By Kevin Neish

When Colombian union leader Liliany Obando was a young child in Pasto, she once came upon a policeman rousting a peasant women selling fruit, off the sidewalk. Liliany ran into the street to collect and return the women's fruit, which the policeman simply threw back out. Then, to the horror of her mother and sister, Liliany gathered up the fruit and pelted the policeman with them! The little girl was roughly "arrested" and taken to the station where she was scolded, threatened and eventually released, in the hope of teaching her a lesson.

     The "lesson" Liliany appeared to have learned that day was that the road to justice was through struggle. Today she is into her 18th month of incarceration in Bogota's Buen Pastor prison, in the high security Patio 6 political prisoner section.

     She spent a full year here before she was even charged with "rebellion", a catch all charge used against any union activist, and "raising funds for terrorism" which she supposedly did while touring Canada in 2006 raising funds for her farm workers union FENSUAGRO (where I first met her).

     In contrast, in February I watched on Colombian TV as a female paramilitary leader and eleven government soldiers caught murdering peasants, were all released simply because they had not been charged within 90 days! The hypocrisy and double standards are so blatant it's truly astounding.

     Liliany is one of 7200 political prisoners held in horrendous prisons all across Colombia, many without charges. When I met her in Buen Pastor prison in September 2009, I immediately expressed my sadness at her situation. She rebuked me. "Kevin, this is just another front in the struggle."

     And so it was. Liliany has organized the prisoners to communally resist the oppression of the prison. Funds donated to her turn into food, cosmetics, craft supplies and clothing for other prisoners. Fiestas are organized for International Women's Day and other political celebrations. During my visits, other prisoners would regularly interrupt us to ask Liliany questions and take her away to impromptu meetings.

     It turns out she is treated as a sort of mediator among the prisoners. Like so many countries, Colombian prisoners have legal rights, but only on paper. Liliany and her fellow prisoners have been forcing the authorities to actually respect these prisoners' "paper" rights.

     Word got out about this fightback to the Communist Party leader, Senator Gloria Ines. She delivered a bound copy of the Colombian criminal code to Liliany, who now uses it to help all the prisoners of Patio 6 to know their rights.

     Through her earlier worldwide union fundraising tours she made personal contacts which are now bringing union leaders, journalists, parliamentarians and student activists from Australia, Canada, US and Europe to visit her. She tours them all through the prison yard, introducing these foreigners to the plights of unjustly jailed women from all across Colombia.

     So Liliany is still "throwing fruit" at the oppressors, and they are not pleased. The prison authorities first retaliatory attack was to arbitrarily search her cell, seizing belongings and violently assaulting her. During my January visit they threw me out of the prison because I didn't have a newly required document, unavailable to foreigners. This obvious attempt to bar visits by foreigners failed following international protests and internal prisoner pressure.

     The latest, most serious threat, is that the authorities have deemed Liliany a "problem prisoner" and want to transfer her to the notorious La Tramacua prison (see People's Voice, Oct. 16-31, 2009) in the extremely hot, dry North, beyond the reach of her family and visiting foreigners, regardless of the fact that she has yet to be convicted of anything.

     It is sad and astounding to think that Harper Government wants to reward Colombia with a free trade deal, for its supposed human rights improvements. Truly Orwellian.

     Liliany is waging a very effective struggle on her "front", but she and her fellow prisoners need our support. Please visit http://www.freeliliany.net to see how you can help with appeals, petitions and funds. And check out http://www.victoriacasc.org to see video interviews and news reports on her trial.

     You can send Liliany and the other prisoners packages and letters and even call her on the prison payphone (011-57-1-5931082). She speaks English, but first you have to say to whoever answers "Hola! Liliany Obando por favor"; then you will have four short minutes to speak to a true fighter.

     Venceremos! Thanks for your support.

Kevin Neish is a member of the Central America Support Committee in Victoria, B.C. He has been to Colombia three times in the last six months, touring the country to hear unionists, farmers and political activists tell their stories of state oppression. He has visited Liliany Obando in prison eight times, and stayed with her family as a protective witness for several weeks.

(The following article is from the April 1-15, 2010 issue of People's Voice, Canada's leading communist newspaper. Articles can be reprinted free if the source is credited. Subscription rates in Canada: $30/year, or $15 low income rate; for U.S. readers - $45 US per year; other overseas readers - $45 US or $50 CDN per year. Send to: People's Voice, c/o PV Business Manager, 706 Clark Drive, Vancouver, BC, V5L 3J1.)

April 5, 2010

Video review: Anti-Cuban TV

This program from deep-dish TV looks at the U.S. government's use of TV and radio to broadcast into Cuba subversive, anti-revolution programming. This form of warfare over ideas has been a favorite cold war tactic in use by such agencies like the Voice of America, and more blatant Radio Free Europe, Radio Liberty (now merged with RFE) and Radio Free Asia. Even today, anti-communist programming is still broadcast in Eastern Europe to keep any "threat" from interfering with trade and treaties.

deep dish 1990 TV marti



see wikipedia entries on RFE/RL [1]
National Committee for a Free Europe [2]
American Committee for the Liberation of the Peoples of Russia [3]

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