Upcoming World Festival of Youth and Students to Honor Chavez

With sources from Juventude Rebelde

From December 7th to 13th, Quito Ecuador will host the 18th World Festival of Youth and Students, where the participants will pay homage to Venezuelan late President Hugo Chavez Frias.

Read some fast facts about Ecuador and Quito here.

This was one of the top agreements taken yesterday during the final session of the first international preparatory meeting for the Festival held in Pretoria, South Africa, with the participation of some one hundred delegates from over 40 regional, national and international youth and students organizations.

Basic framework of the festival now established

The IPM, by R. Weldeab via Twitter

Juan Francisco Torres, chair of the Preparatory Committee of the host country, spoke about issues related to logistics and about how Ecuador and particularly its youth activists are getting ready for the meeting. Most of the Festival's locations will be in down town Quito, within about 20 minutes walk.

The delegations also approved the call to the world youth for the festival, as well as the topics for debates, and the slogan "Youth united against imperialism, for peace, solidarity and social transformation."

"In the past and present youth has always played a vital role in the struggle of all societies for progress and social justice. The youth was militantly present in the greatest struggles of the peoples for peace, solidarity and social transformation. In a world where imperialism presents itself as inevitability, the anti-imperialist struggle proves that the youth chooses its own future. The 18th World Festival of Youth and Students, which will take place in Ecuador, is the space for the young women and men of the World to unite their voices against imperialism," the call says.

The causes of Palestine, Western Sahara will also be emphasized at the festival. These issues "form a direct, precise, and clear view of imperialism ambitions and actions of destruction," documents coming out of the meeting agreed, stressing that "the festival shows different forms of struggle and one of which is solidarity against occupation and with peoples’ self-determination."

"Cultural and musical events must also be highlighted," an initial planning document said, noting that "Musical bands and cultural groups from different organizations must be encouraged to attend the festival."

The date and place of the next international preparatory meetings (IPM's) were also agreed on Tuesday: in Spain in June and in India in September.

At the end of the meetings, South Africa— former host of the 17th festival— pasted on the flag of the World Festival of Youth and Students Movement to Ecuador.

Honouring famous revolutionaries

Symbolically, the Youth Festival will also be devoted to Ecuadorian national hero Eloy Alfaro and to Kwame Nkrumah.

José Eloy Alfaro Delgado (June 25, 1842 – January 28, 1912) served as President of Ecuador from 1895 to 1901 and from 1906 to 1911. For his central role in the Liberal Revolution of 1895 and for having fought conservatism for almost 30 years, he is known as the Viejo Luchador.  His principal accomplishments include the introduction of the principle of secularism, constitutional changes allowing freedom of speech, the legalization of civil marriage and divorce, and the right to a free and secular education in Ecuador. 

Eloy Alfaro's memory was honoured in Canada last year with a guest lecture at the University of Ottawa. A statue to the man is also to be erected in Ottawa.

Kwame Nkrumah was the founder and first President of Ghana, and leader of Pan-Africanism, the half-a century movement for the defence of Africa’s independence and unity.  Nkrumah became an international symbol of freedom as the leader of the first black African country to shake off the chains of colonial rule. As midnight struck on March 5, 1957 and the Gold Coast became Ghana, Nkrumah declared: "our independence is meaningless unless it is linked up with the total liberation of the African continent."  

Deposed some years later in a coup, Nkrumah is still honoured around the world. (Kwantlen University in Vancouver, for example, organizes an international conference on Africa themed around Nkrumah).

OCLAE leader praises choices

In statements to the International News Agency, Ricardo Guardia Lugo, member of the Cuban delegation to the festival, said that Eloy Alfaro hero and Kwame Nkrumah are very well known by Cuban people since they are very close to that countries history.

Guardia is also a member of the National Secretariat of the University Students Federation (FEU), and works with the Continental, Latin American, and Caribbean Students Organization (OCLAE), a regional platform that brings together and represents more than 100 million students.

Lugo spoke about the close friendship which united Ecuadorian Eloy Alfaro and Cuban José Martí. Marti is a national hero of Cuba. He fought for the independence of that island country from Spain during the nineteenth century and won the support of Eloy Alfaro.

Kwame Nkrumah was also the first African president to meet with President Fidel Castro in 1960 at the Hotel Theresa in New York (when both were in the United States to attend the fifteenth session of the UN General Assembly). His country, Ghana, was just a year earlier the first sub-Saharan African country to establish diplomatic relations with Cuba.

Comandante President Hugo Chavez

Chevy Philips, 
Special to Rebel Youth

Now that most of the post-mortem hatchet-jobs have been expelled from the bowels of the western corporate media, I thought would present a brief tribute to one of the great heroes of the century so far, Comandante President Hugo Chavez.

Actually I just had to write something, or I'd burst. The past few days have seen the most outrageous torrent of abuse directed at Chavez and his legacy, courtesy of the degenerate ultra-right criminals that own and operate the press in the imperialist countries...

Hated from the start by the largely fascist-orientated Venezuelan bourgeoisie, Chavez was in their eyes, a dirty mixed-race mongrel, and not just a socialist (which is clearly bad enough all on its own).

That some jumped up, "part-Black" army officer should have the temerity to challenge their plutocratic rule must have come as a gut-wrenching shock; as much as it came as a great inspiration to those of us looking to a progressive future for a continent plagued for so long by CIA-led coups and death squads carrying US-bought guns, murdering and torturing their way through any man, woman or child suspected of being left of centre.

Those days are gone for good now, and Comandante Chavez leaves behind him a continent more united in a progressive and anti-imperialist direction than ever before. There are still those who cling to the blood-soaked past, of course, most notably the various governments of Columbia over the decades, against whom many brave men and women have fought and died in the mud and hardship of the jungles for almost fifty years - their attempts to take the peaceful path and form an electoral party in the 1980s met by a hail of bullets from those governments and their paramilitaries in black masks.

But the inevitable tide of history cannot be halted or turned back, and the masses of Venezuela, behind the PSUV with Chavez at their head, have proven this. The Communist Party of Venezuela recognized early on the genuinely popular and progressive nature of the movement led by Chavez, and so proudly stood with him against the interminable domestic and foreign imperialist attempts to sabotage, slander and even overthrow his Presidency. The short-lived, US-backed coup of 2002 demonstrates how utterly bankrupt, spineless, and without support these cowards and mercenaries were then and continue to be now.

The record of Comandante President Chavez, the PSUV and its allies speaks for itself (info taken from Ted Snider's article, rabble.ca):

- Chavez has cut unemployment amongst Venezuelans by more than half. In 1999, the year Chavez took office, unemployment was 18 per cent. By 2011 it had dropped to 8.2 per cent and by last year to about 6 per cent.

- Poverty has dropped from 42.8 per cent when Chavez took office to 26.7 per cent. -- a vast improvement of 37 per cent. However, according to economist Mark Weisbrot, Chavez did not really have control of the oil industry or the economy until 2003.

- When measured from that date, when Chavez's policies began to have an effect on the economy, the improvement in poverty increases to 49.7 per cent. When extreme poverty is considered, the results are even more impressive. In 1999, 16.6 per cent of Venezuelans lived in extreme poverty; by 2011 that number had dropped to 7 per cent: an improvement of 57.8 per cent. And again, if you only look at the period that Chavez could realistically affect, the improvement was an incredible 70 per cent.

- Venezuela's economy continued to grow by 5.5 per cent. Though in the 20 years prior to Chavez's presidency, Venezuela had the worst performing economy in South America. Since 2003, when Chavez's policies began to have an effect, Venezuela's economy has grown by more than 94 per cent.

- Chavez won four consecutive elections and submitted many important decisions to national referendums. In every case, Chavez honoured the will of the people: even the one time that he lost, by the slimmest of margins, in the December 2007 referendum.

- Chavez has consistently won a majority of the vote. In 2006, he was re-elected by 63 per cent of the people. Thirteen years into his presidency, he still attracted over 54 per cent of the vote. Jimmy Carter said in 2012 that "of the ninety-two elections that we've monitored, I would say that the election process in Venezuela is the best in the world."


This is the kind of mandate that governments in the West can only dream of, yet they regularly accused Chavez of being undemocratic! To provide one of many possible examples, the ultra-right corporate gangster that currently claims the title of Prime Minister of Canada was elected with the support of just 24% of the overall electorate (thanks, in large part, to the extraordinarily anti-democratic nature of the first-past-the-post constituency system inherited from Britain); and yet he regularly lectures other countries and their leaders about democracy!

In reply to all those who slander Chavez and what he continues to represent, we say...

Long Live Comandante President Chavez, the PSUV, and the Communist Party of Venezuela!

Heavy-handed police tactics in Montréal

By J. Boyden

On March 22, I was unexpectedly kettled by Montreal police at a student demonstration together with about 60 protestors. We have all been charged a $625 fine for participating in the "illegal protest," held to mark the anniversary of the start of last year's student strike. Almost 600 arrests have been made in Québec over the past few weeks.

Kettling, also known as corralling, is an increasingly used tactic of mass detention. Police ‑ often in riot gear ‑ will cordon off a street, blocking all exits, and then arrest everyone in between.

In our case, the police announced the demonstration was illegal at exactly the same time as the kettle began. There was five minutes of chaos and panic, then about three hours of limbo.

When riot police charge a crowd they exploit the moment for maximum intimidation. They dress in black, faces covered, holding round shields and pounding them in drum beat. You can hear their stomping heavy boots.

My partner and I turned just before the charge. We were looking for the rest of the Young Communist League, who had fortunately escaped just in time as two lines of riot cops blocked either side of the street. Then an officer smashed his baton across my knuckles ‑ throw down your banner! Moments later we heard the police captain scream at one officer: "stop being so gentle with them!"

Within a few minutes we were backed up against a large store (ironically a travel agency) and shoved into a knot of people. It had been a sunny afternoon when the protest began. But after half‑an‑hour in the kettle it started to get dark. Then it started to snow. A cold wind whistled down the street.

Several shift‑changes of the riot cops surrounding us took place, including a team of horse police at one point. I heard a young woman's teeth start to chatter. "Please just arrest me!" she said. She was wearing in a thin jacket, black polka dot skirt, and heels. Almost three hours...

Finally an all‑female team of officers arrived, processed us for about four minutes each, and doled out the fines. We were shoved across a yellow police cordon. Go! Get lost!

The charges may be dropped, thrown out or defeated in court. The bylaw we were charged under is P‑6, a complimentary municipal regulation brought in basically at the same time as the Charest Liberal's anti‑democratic Bill 78.

Like that now abolished law, P‑6 is almost certainly a violation of our constitutional rights. But that isn't the point. Through our detention we have already been punished.

Québec Solidaire has renewed its calls for a public inquiry, and the progressive ASSÉ student union has condemned the new wave of arrests, which began at the annual march against police brutality.

At the beginning of last year's student struggle the YCL made a conscious decision to actively participate in as many demonstrations as we could, including those declared "illegal" under Bill 78, but to join in a disciplined way because there was nothing to be gained from an arrest and restrictive bail conditions.

At our last YCL meeting we checked‑in about our policy towards arrests, which are sometimes viewed romantically as badges of honour in the youth and student movement. Our approach remained unchanged. But in just a few days Nicolas, our club organizer, Marianne, our magazine editor, myself and another member of our new club at a French‑language college have all been arrested and charged.

What has changed? The demonstrations are smaller now, but the force of the police has stayed the same and thus is proportionally much greater. Our ruling class opponents are well aware the student movement is still re‑grouping and somewhat tired. They are giving us a hard kick while we are down.

Seeming to recognize the intention was to break morale, our kettle held up a proud face. First we launched into the familiar chants. Then, as the temperature dropped, the group began to hold "jumping" to warm up. I saw an elderly man (somebody said he was a university professor) make a few smiling leaps. Anarchopanda ‑ the CEGEP professor who dresses in a giant panda suit ‑ was also there, as well as one of the "Rabbit Crew" who wear bunny‑eared masks to demos. It was like a reunion.

A hip hop artist came forward and began to rhyme. People started to dance. A drummer and a man with a cow bell joined in the music. Then the entire kettle was moving, bouncing around a circle. Somebody began singing popular songs. Classics from Quebec and France, from the 1940s, 50s, 60s and 70s. Soon we were all singing. Near the end we took a group photo. It seemed somehow appropriate.

Johan Boyden is the General Secretary of the Young Communist League of Canada

Interview with a security certificate defendant

People's Voices' Saleh Waziruddin recently interviewed Mohammed Mahjoub, the "security certificate" detainee who was finally freed from having to wear a GPS bracelet. Mohammed Mahjoub, a refugee from Egypt, was arrested in 2000, without being charged with a crime or given access to evidence against him. Mahjoub has been on a speaking tour about his case after being released from having to wear a GPS. He claims he has found evidence that Canada has spent over $1 billion on all security certificate cases, and that CSIS had used criminal records of five people with his name in Egypt who were convicted of various crimes to confuse the justice system.

     Although cleared of any charges in Egypt, Mahjoub has been unable to find out why he was arrested in Canada, other than the possibility that another security certificate arrestee, unknown to him, may have mentioned his name in a phone call. His house arrest conditions were so onerous and invasive that he initially went back to prison on his own, and his wife divorced him in 2011 when he was going to be released back into house arrest. His defense committee's website is www.supportmahjoub.org/.

People's Voice: What would you say to someone who thinks what happened to you could never happen to them?

Mahjoub: I have never thought it will happen to me, but it happened.  It can happen to anybody here in Canada. My advice to them is: don't take everything granted forever. It happened to me today, it can happen to anyone else, especially minority people.


What have you found was most effective for the victories you've won in your struggle, such as being free from the GPS bracelet?
     The most thing effective in my case is speaking out, raising my voice, sharing my story with Canadians. Find other Canadians who have hope in their life to assist you.


What are things people in Canada can do to help win justice for you?

     They can do a lot of things. They can share the story in the internet, they can write to their MPs, they can share this information with human rights organizations. There are many, many things they can do, not only one thing. (They) can make events such as what happened today for instance here in St. Catharines.

What changed in your opinion about Canada after your experience?

     Again, the law is (supposed to) apply to every individual, whether they are citizen or non‑citizen. If someone commits a crime, he or she should face a fair trial, but in the security certificate cases there are no charges laid on me or any other security certificate individual. We didn't have a fair trial in the first place. We have to fight hard. Why there is (such a situation in) Canada? I am not angry, but I have to fight hard to clear my name. The individual who put me in this position, should be held accountable for what they did to me and my family as well.


Do you have advice to anyone facing a similar situation?

     My advice to them (is) to be patient, to fight through legal avenues, not do anything to make their case more miserable or more difficult. There are many ways to fight through the law, to hire a good lawyer to speak out, to have contacts with organizations (which) can raise your voice. They can share your story with other organizations - human rights groups, parliament, media.

Which way forward for the NDP?

People's Voice Editorial

The New Democratic Party's retreat towards "qualified support" for the Canada‑European Union Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) is raising serious concerns within the trade union movement, and rightly so. As OFL President Sid Ryan wrote recently, "this particular trade deal is being negotiated in secret and in the interest of multinational corporations. A number of affiliates have invested significant resources into campaigning against CETA and have been working alongside coalition partners to raise public concern."

The OFL President is not alone in his objections. Many trade unions and social justice movements - the backbone of the NDP's voter base across Canada - have campaigned hard to block CETA for years. The abject turnaround by Thomas Mulcair has shocked many of these organizations, which traditionally count on the NDP to represent their views on Parliament Hill.

Sadly, the NDP's change of course did not surprise observers who have followed its trajectory in recent years. Sensing a possible victory in the 2015 federal election, the party which claims to be the voice of "ordinary Canadians" is bending over backwards to reach out to big capital. This trend pre-dates Thomas Mulcair; recall Jack Layton's January 2009 speech to the Toronto Board of Trade urging workers to take pay cuts to save jobs, or his moves to water down the NDP's anti-war positions.

When labour activists gather at the Canadian Labour Congress conference this month, there should be no illusions about a Mulcair NDP government. Only massive pressure by trade unions and all people's movements can compel political parties to put people's needs ahead of corporate greed. Leaving the political struggle to the NDP caucus in Ottawa will not achieve this goal.

The Day We Met Chavez

The 16th WFYS

Chavez funeral

By Johan Boyden

When the news came it was probably natural that almost all of us from that delegation thought about our experience, eight years ago. When I bumped into some of the delegation at International Women's Day events, since his death came so close to IWD, it seemed natural to talk about it.

It was 16th World Festival of Youth and Students, in Caracas. I remember we got off the airplane after our long flight, arriving late at night, and immediately stepped into a wall of hot and humid air. A bit tired, we stumbled into the darkness with our bags.

And then, there they were. A welcoming party of Venezuela youth. Some were holding roses. Each woman in our delegation got a rose as she stepped onto Venezuela soil.

I remember noticing what they were wearing. Bright red t‑shirts emblazoned with the slogan: "Another world is possible, and that is socialism!"

I have difficultly describing the impact of these few words on a t‑shirt. After all it seems that today, with the economic crisis, more and more young people today are opening their eyes. The most popular searched words in the online Merriam‑Webster Dictionary last year were "socialism" and "capitalism."

During the "Dirty Thirties," in a speech advocating for public health care, Dr. Norman Bethune once said that "Twenty five years ago it was thought to be contemptible to be a socialist. Today it is ridiculous not to be one."

Well, that dark night at Simon Bolivar International Airport felt a bit like the twenty five years had just ended.

It was, I think, a quote from President Hugo Chavez. A clear statement. Here, in Venezuela, thousands of young people are debating a profoundly different future. Over the next two weeks we would learn that their truly was a serious, vibrant, and exciting argument.

Up to that point, the link between socialism and the Bolivarian Revolution had been far from clear. Only days before had Chavez made the connection as necessary. Over the next few days during the World Festival of Youth and Students, Chavez would speak and develop this pro‑socialist perspective in more detail.

It seemed ground‑breaking. It was.

It took us ages to get out of the airport, to the "bed city" where we stayed and finally, down to a giant parade ground for the opening ceremonies. Who would have known, just a few years later, we would be looking into the newspaper and recognize the very same parade ground where his funeral procession would go, surrounded by hundreds of thousands.

Those parade grounds are at the bottom of a valley. The city is all around, then big steep hills rise up which become giant mountains in the distance. The hills are covered with the communities of the poor, the barrios.

Dusk fell. Then came the deep, black tropical darkness. Moving as a group, we slowly walked what seemed like a few miles, finally turning past a big podium. And then there he was. Hugo Chavez. The man himself. Full of life, surrounded by other youth leaders, welcoming the youth of the world who had assembled to raise high the banner of the festival: "for peace and solidarity, we struggle against imperialism and war."

It seemed the procession was regularly interrupted. Chavez had a few people from some of the delegations brought up to the podium. The US delegation's flag‑bearer, for example, received a giant bear‑hug. And then he spoke. For our tired bodies it seemed long. There was no translation.

"I was so young, I didn't appreciate how we were witnessing history," one former delegate told me the other day.

We looked up at the hills, and realized that the twinkling tiny network of lights in a few small areas must generally outline the rich communities with electricity, hostile to the Bolivarian Revolution, while the slopes which had fallen into darkness were its social base.

The festival was beginning. I personally didn't glimpse him again. But over the next week, in the voices and stories of all the youth involved in the Bolivarian process, it kind of felt like we were meeting with Chavez.

As the World Federation of Democratic Youth said, "the ones who die for life, shouldn't be called dead." Today those youth we met are eight years older. If they retain a tenth of the energy they had then, I am confident I will meet Chavez again.

Johan Boyden is the leader of the Young Communist League of Canada, which is helping organize a cross‑Canada delegation to the 18th World Festival of Youth and Students taking place late this year in Ecuador.